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"Not so elementary, my dear Watson": Commodification and authenticity in film and media tourism - the case of Sherlock Holmes.

"Not so elementary, my dear Watson": Commodification and authenticity in film and media tourism - the case of Sherlock Holmes.
Author: Samuel Royston
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Abstract: This paper discusses the complex issues of inauthenticity and commodification with regards to Sherlock Holmes and the tourist experience.

Keywords: Film tourism, authenticity, commodification, Sherlock Holmes

Discussion Paper: Can we tell the difference between fact and fantasy in holiday settings – and does it matter?

Film tourism is a mode of tourism where tourists opt to visit a site or a location previously associated with, or used for filming (Buchmann et al., 2011), and has become an area of increased interest and discussion within tourism literature, as the concept has received an increasing amount of recognition as a driver and motivator of tourist activity in Great Britain, and globally (Hao and Ryan, 2013; Porter, 2012; Croy and Heitmann, 2011; Davidson, 2010; Roesch, 2009).

This paper attempts to address the complex issues of inauthenticity and commodification related to Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes and the tourist experience, extracted from Grayson & Martinec’s (2004), study in this field. The tourism appeal of Sherlock Holmes is quite significant, ranging from the Museum of Sherlock Holmes in London, the recreation of Holmes’ household environment, to film locations in Liverpool and Manchester, following the success of the 2009 production of Sherlock Holmes featuring Robert Downey Jr.

Due to the significance and popularity of Sherlock Holmes, and other fictional characters, it is not uncommon for the commodification of specific areas and spaces to occur, where they are transformed in order to comply with tourist expectations, relative to their literary and media connections (Light, 2012; Smith, 2003). Light (2012) defines this process as the ‘commodification of the imagined’.

This is illustrated in that Sherlock Holmes fans sought to visit the fictional home of the detective at 221B Baker Street, a part of the street which, at the time of Conan Doyle’s writing, did not exist (Light, 2012; Herbert, 2001). However, it became such a significant focus of tourist interest that the Sherlock Holmes museum opened at '221B’ Baker Street in 1990, although it is situated between 237 and 241 Baker Street (Visit London, 2014; Light, 2012; Porter, 2012; Herbert, 2001). Further commodification of Baker Street is referred to by Smith (2003), who discusses that there are numerous restaurants and bars complying with the theme and myth of Sherlock Holmes, despite his fictional existence. Rojek (cited in Smith, 2003:25) encapsulates this notion perfectly, stating: ‘thus is fiction co-opted in the service of commerce and myth mingles with reality'.

Porter (2012) highlights that despite the appeal of Baker Street due to its association with Holmes, fans of the BBC's production Sherlock, often visit 185 North Gower Street in London, the address which represents the facade to the 221B Baker Street residence of Sherlock Holmes and John Watson in this particular adaptation. The residence is easily recognisable by the program’s iconic sandwich shop, and real life business, Speedy's, situated next door, and now a film tourism destination in its own right (Porter, 2012). Porter (2012) argues that, although fans of the series realise that the location is "fake", their knowledge of the filming location becomes part of the tourist experience of visiting London.

Grayson and Martinec (2004) suggest that authenticity was elicited from visitors to the Sherlock Holmes museum through a process termed ‘hypothetical indexicality’, whereby the visitors regard an object as if it were associated with Holmes, such as an item on a desk. This was contextualised whereby the authenticity of the experience was drawn from whether Holmes would have theoretically used the objects of the museum, whilst also simultaneously referring to Holmes as if he had owned the objects and space which is occupied by the museum (Grayson & Martinec, 2004). According to Walton (1978) this process is quite common, whereby people can sometimes, albeit temporarily, blur the lines between fiction and non-fiction.

It is therefore possible to conclude that the Sherlock Holmes tourist offer has clearly been subject to the process of commodification. Examples of this are provided in that some of the spaces around Baker Street itself have been transformed in order to comply with tourist expectations, relative to their literary and media connections, as identified by Light (2012) and Smith (2003), and that the Sherlock Holmes Museum possesses a false address, adhering to the fictional address of the detective (Visit London, 2014; Light, 2012; Porter, 2012; Herbert, 2001).

The issues of inauthentic heritage within the Sherlock Holmes tourist experience are a little less clear. Grayson and Martinec (2004) appear to suggest that hypothetical indexicality appeared to aid visitors take enjoyment from the Sherlock Holmes Museum, where the lines between fact and fiction were blurred. Importantly, there appears to be a general consensus that those who engage and consume the Sherlock Holmes product, identify that Holmes is indeed fictional. This is supported by Porter (2012) who observes, that although fans of Sherlock realise that the location is "fake", their knowledge of the filming location becomes part of the tourist experience of visiting London.

References
Grayson, K. & Martinec, R. (2004) "Consumer Perceptions of Iconicity and Indexicality and Their Influence on Assessments of Authentic Market Offerings", The Journal of Consumer Research, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 296-312.
Light, D. (2012). The Dracula Dilemma: Tourism, Identity and the State in Romania. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.
Porter, L. (2012). Sherlock Holmes for the 21st Century: Essays on New Adaptations. McFarland.